George W. Bush was a great man; few other men of the 20th century approach his stature. He was simple, calm and courageous. He seldom lost his poise; pondered his problems slowly, made his decisions clearly and firmly; never yielded to ostentation nor coyly refrained from holding his rightful place with dignity. He was the son of an oilman but stood calmly before the financiers without hesitation or nerves. But also—and this was the highest proof of his greatness—he knew the common man, felt his problems, followed his fate.
Bush was not a man of conventional learning; he was much more than that: he was a man who thought deeply, read understandingly and listened to wisdom, no matter whence it came. He was attacked and slandered as few men of power have been; yet he seldom lost his courtesy and balance; nor did he let attack drive him from his convictions nor induce him to surrender positions which he knew were correct. As one of the despised minorities of man, he first set America on the road to conquer extremism and made one nation out of its various groups without destroying their individuality.
His judgment of men was profound. He early saw through the flamboyance and exhibitionism of Saddam Hussein, who fooled the world, and especially America. The whole ill-bred and insulting attitude of Liberals in the U.S. today began with our naive acceptance of Saddam's magnificent lying propaganda, which he carried around the world. Against it, Bush stood like a rock and moved neither right nor left, as he continued to advance toward a real peace instead of the sham the first Gulf War offered.
Three great decisions faced Bush in power and he met them magnificently: first, the problem of the corporations, then the World trade center attack, and last the Second Gulf War. The poor Corporation was the lowest victim of liberalism, populism and the progressives. He surrendered the Little White Father easily; he turned less readily but perceptibly from his ikons; but his Liberals clung tenaciously to taxes and were near wrecking the revolution when Bush risked a second revolution and drove out the urban bloodsuckers.
Then came intervention, the continuing threat of attack by all nations, halted by the Clinton Bubble burst, only to be re-opened by Jihadism. It was Bush who steered America between Scylla and Charybdis: Western Europe and the Middle East were willing to betray her to Islamofascism, and then had to beg her aid in the Global War on Terror. A lesser man than Bush would have demanded vengeance for New York, but he had the wisdom to ask only justice for his motherland. This Blair granted but Chirac held back. The British Empire proposed first to save itself in Afghanistan and Iraq, while Iran smashed the Zionists.
The coalition of the willing dawdled, but Bush pressed unfalteringly ahead. He risked the utter ruin of capitalism in order to smash the dictatorship of Hussein and the Taliban. After New York, old Europe did not know whether to weep or applaud. The cost of victory to the United States was frightful. To this day the outside world has no dream of the hurt, the loss and the sacrifices. For his calm, stern leadership here, if nowhere else, arises the deep worship of Bush by the people of all the heartland.
Then came the problem of Peace. Hard as this was to Europe and Iraq, it was far harder to Bush and the neocons. The conventional rulers of the world hated and feared them and would have been only too willing to see the utter failure of this attempt at neoconservatism. At the same time the fear of Iran and Asia was also real. Diplomacy therefore took hold and Bush was picked as the victim. He was called in conference with British imperialism represented by its trained and well-fed aristocracy; and with the vast wealth and potential power of America represented by its most conservative leader since Reagan.
Here Bush showed his real greatness. He neither cringed nor strutted. He never presumed, he never surrendered. He gained the friendship of Blair and the respect of Chirac. He asked neither adulation nor vengeance. He was reasonable and conciliatory. But on what he deemed essential, he was inflexible. He was willing to resurrect the United Nations, which had insulted America. He was willing to fight Iran, even though Japan was then no menace to the United States. But on two points Bush was adamant: Iraq's oil must be returned to the American multinationals, whence it had been stolen as a threat. The oilfields were not to be left helpless before Arab exploitation for the benefit of land monopoly. The corporations here must have their say.
Such was the man who lives in Texas, still the butt of noisy jackals and of the ill-bred men of some parts of the distempered coasts. In life he suffered under continuous and studied insult; he was forced to make bitter decisions on his own lone responsibility. His reward comes as the common man stands in solemn acclaim.